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A., Nagarakretagama, Lofdicht van Prapanjtja op koning Radjasanagara, Hajam Wuruk, van Madjapahit, VBG 54.1, Batavia/’s-Gravenhage, 1904.īrandes, J. A., “Register op de proza-omzetting van de babad tanah Jawi ”, VBG, LI, 4, 1900, 10.īrandes, J. A., “ De tekst van de proza bewerking van de Babad tanah Djawi gecestigeerd”, TBG, XXXII, 1899, 556.īrandes, J. C., “Twee nieuwe publicaties betreffende de geschiedenis en de geschiedschrijving van Mataram” (97-128, 231-269, 361-400), Indonesië, VIII, ‘s-Gravenhage, 1955.īrandes, J.
C., “The Role of Structural Organisation and Myth in Javanese Historiography: Commentary” (100-103), The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. This study seeks to illustrate the scholarly contestation of the double gynowogy of the Islamic revival of the archipelago after the fall of Majapahit and its implications for the ambivalent narratives of insurrection in Babad Tanah Jawi, a text that sparked much debate among anthropologists, philologists and archaeologists of the world, Pararaton and Nagarakertagama - many referred by anyone who wants to learn about Islam and Javanese kings.īerg, C. Nevertheless, it is rare for the study of how Islam Nusantara, specifically described in the Babad Tanah Jawi, is considered to have a 'problematic' double genealogy as the effect of the breaking down of the basket between Batara Guru and Prophet Adam, a discrepancy that reflects Islam Nusantara as the result of a syncretistic forces between (Islam) Demak and (Hindu) Majapahit. From the first writing of 1612 to the 'final version' in 1836, the Babad Tanah Jawi (BTJ) has always been debated mainly regarding its function as genre, prophecy, historical narrative, genealogical prototypes, and testimonial structures on Javanese history.